OSCAR BLAYTON AND THE UNENTHUSIASTIC INTEGRATION OF WILLIAM & MARY
Many institutions have come to celebrate the history of their first black undergraduates, though many stories remain buried—considered best forgotten or glossed over by their institutions. The story of Oscar Blayton, the first black undergraduate at the College of William & Mary, is an example of a story the institution would evidently rather forget. The College admitted Mr. Blayton in 1963 as a day student, since at that point, an African American resident at a William & Mary was unthinkable.1 The environment he met was so unwelcoming that he struggled for two years before leaving and was then drafted to fight in Vietnam. The College, in its official history of the 1960s, spends far more wordage on the construction of new residence halls than the end of hundreds of years of racial discrimination. Blayton’s story demonstrates that successful integration was more than the admission of black students. As long as the institution did not consider itself integrated, it would marginalize black students, and it could not complete the process of integrating the institution.
THE HISTORY OF RACE AT WILLIAM & MARY
The College of William & Mary’s dealings with race did not begin with the admission of its first black graduate student in 1951. The College had already passed through a notorious racial incident, not to mention its history of slave ownership during the colonial period until the Civil War. The Ku Klux Klan had come to the College in 1926, during the presidency of J.A.C. Chandler. The College did not invite the Klan; rather, the Klan informed Chandler that they would be visiting and would like to present him with an American flag.2 The choice of gift put Chandler in an awkward position. He could either seem unpatriotic or intolerant, neither seemly for a college president. Chandler took the view that the Klan was a legally organized entity within the state, and it was not his prerogative to deny them entrance to a public institution, despite the threat their visit posed to his reputation for tolerance. This reputation was a product of the rather modest standards of the time; he allowed Catholics and white minorities to meet on campus.3 Eventually he hit upon the solution of allowing the Klan to visit but used his acceptance speech to repudiate their values.
The Klan did present Chandler with a flag, and Chandler did publicly denounce the Klan’s ideology, even if only indirectly, though it did little to help him. Chandler received harsh criticism from many quarters. The Baltimore Sun attacked him for allowing the Klan a chance to air their views in a reputable environment, and a member of the Board of Visitors nearly resigned in protest of the group’s presence on campus. There was also outrage among alumni that the College would host such a contemptible organization. The extent of the damage is unclear, though the flag and its attendant plaque mysteriously disappeared in 1942, apparently with then-President Pomfret’s unofficial blessing.4 Repudiating the Klan was an easy step in combating racism, but the far more daunting challenge of creating an integrated student body would continue to confront the College for decades to come.
The first black student to attend the College was Hulon Willis, a graduate student admitted in 1951.5 Willis’s admission to the summer graduate program in physical education was the product of both the pragmatism of Pomfret and the place that graduate education had at the time. The landmark Sweatt v. Painter and Sipuel v. Oklahoma cases, which stipulated that black applicants could not be denied admission into graduate programs at state institutions based on color unless there was another public program that was of commensurate quality open to blacks, was the first sign of trouble.6 The federal district court ordered the University of Virginia law school to admit a qualified black applicant, Walter Nathaniel Ridley. This set Pomfret and the William & Mary administration on high alert.7 Rather than face a losing legal battle, Pomfret decided to outpace events and admit a black applicant in 1951. Cue Hulon Willis, who was able to integrate quietly with a low profile summer program, allowed the university to avoid any public scrutiny. Edward Travis enrolled that fall in the law program and was the first African American to graduate from William & Mary in 1954.8 Hulon Willis graduated two years later in 1956, and following his departure Oscar Blayton was the next African American to attend.
Willis never encountered the sort of vehement opposition that arose at some other school integrations; in fact, he looked back at his time at William & Mary fondly, saying, “William & Mary is tops in my book. It always has been and it always will be.”9 Willis, a faculty member at Virginia State University, likely had an easier time because he was an older student and only attended in the summer. He was also a karate master, very self-confident, and difficult to intimidate. Blayton, without these mitigating factors, would not have such pleasant memories.
As the son of a prominent local physician and a social worker, and a member of the black middle class, there was no question that Oscar Blayton would attend college. The Blayton children, including Oscar, were encouraged to be voracious readers.10 As racial tensions in Virginia intensified during the 1950s, Blayton’s parents sent Oscar and his siblings to out-of-state boarding schools to gain a quality of education they could not acquire from the segregated system at home. Blayton’s parents first sent him to Williston Northampton School in Easthampton, Massachusetts for seventh grade. His academic performance was sub-par, so his father withdrew him from Williston and sent him to the now defunct Palmer Memorial Institute, near Greensboro, North Carolina for his secondary schooling. His father hoped the remote location and strict standards at Palmer would set his son on the proper path. While the effects of the Palmer experience are unclear, Blayton had matured through his secondary school experience and felt prepared for the increased challenge of collegiate education.11
Oscar Blayton originally applied to several schools, including William & Mary and Howard, his father’s alma mater. Oscar applied to William & Mary despite its segregated status due to a lingering family resentment towards the College. Several years previously, Oscar’s sister had applied to The College’s summer school, and the College informed her that they “did not accept Negro applicants.”12 William & Mary was local and had a premedical program, making it ideal for the Blayton family, who hoped to see Oscar follow his father’s career path. There was an administrative error with transcripts at Palmer that year, and Blayton was not even in the running for the College’s usual admissions, as evidenced by Dean of Admissions Robert Hunt’s statement in May that no black applicant had submitted a completed application.13 Following the resolution of the transcript issue, Blayton was accepted to Howard, where he matriculated and had even paid his housing deposit. Looking forward to attending Howard in the fall, Blayton spent the summer unemployed and curious about why he was not accepted to the College.
APPLICATION AND ACCEPTANCE
Feeling bored and mischievous one summer afternoon, Blayton decided to inquire about his application with Dean Hunt, since William & Mary seemed to have forgotten about it. SAT booklet in hand and confident of his own qualifications (having found information on the average incoming freshman), Blayton met with Dean Hunt and upbraided him for the discriminatory practices at the College.14 Blayton had a good laugh at the College’s expense and thought little of it later. Sitting at home watching television about a week afterward, Blayton watched George Wallace conduct his famous stand in the schoolhouse door.
Wallace has become a legend of Southern politics through his decades in office and tortured search for redemption. Upon taking office in 1962, he famously declared, “In the name of the greatest people that have ever trod this earth, I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny, and I say segregation today, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”15 On June 11, 1963, he staked out his position on collegiate integration rhetorically and physically at the doorway to the Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama. At stake was the registration of two black students, Vivian Malone Jones and James Hood. He described the students as “[t]he unwelcomed, unwanted, unwarranted and force-induced intrusion upon the campus of the University of Alabama.”16 In response, President Kennedy ordered an Army National Guard contingent to remove Wallace. That evening, following the successful eviction of Wallace from the doorway the president gave a speech on integration:
“Now the time has come for this nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, demonstrations, parades, and protests, which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and as a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your state and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives.17”
Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach accompanied the President’s speech with stern words on the pecuniary consequences of noncompliance with integration.18 Specifically, institutions were under threat of losing federal funding if they continued to refuse black applicants. The funding issue loomed large during the early 1960s because The College was in the midst of an expensive expansion effort, with many new buildings planned. Blayton was watching two well-known reporters, Huntley and Brinkley, do a post-event analysis when the phone rang. Dean Hunt was calling to invite Oscar and his family to talk about his admission.19 While a definitive relationship between Federal warnings concerning financing and Blayton’s admission cannot be definitively drawn, the timing of Dean Hunt’s call suggests a connection.
When interviewed, Robert Hunt stated that Blayton’s application was treated like any other; once it was received in full, it was processed in the typical manner by the admissions staff. (It should be noted that Blayton’s application to Howard had progressed to the point of securing housing by the time Hunt contacted Blayton.) Additionally, Hunt claimed that the decision to admit Blayton was entirely the work of the admissions staff as a due result of Blayton’s qualifications. Blayton had not attached a photo to his application, as was sometimes the case, and there was no area for race. Hunt said that the only reason he even knew Blayton was black was because he was aware of his family. “If he had been from Richmond I would have had no idea he was Black,” he said. 20 A photo or an outright admission of race was not the only way to identify an applicant’s race. In an era of segregated schools, one only had to check the applicant’s high school to ascertain the color of his or her skin.
Given the later behavior of the College, it is unlikely that the administration had accepted race as a non-factor to the extent that the Admissions Committee sought no higher approval to go forward with Blayton’s acceptance. The president at the time, Davis Y. Paschall, known in the black community as a segregationist, would have been unlikely to support the move if consulted. When Blayton and his parents visited the campus, Dean Hunt and Dean Lambert offered him a position at the College that fall. They extended the offer on the conditions that he would not live on campus and would spend minimal time there; the dining halls were open to him, but he was not encouraged to take advantage of the facilities. Hunt cautioned him against the difficulties he would likely face and suggested that he take some time to think it over. Hunt’s warning did not deter Blayton, at the time. In an interview for the College’s student newspaper, Flat Hat, he said, “But I did not have to [think it over]. My mind was made up. I was ready to go!”21
BLAYTON AT WILLIAM & MARY
Oscar Blayton entered William & Mary with high hopes, though his experiences would slowly dash these through two years of struggle. He enrolled in the pre-medical program in accordance with his family’s wishes. Oscar had misgivings about this, as his own interests and aptitudes had always been in the humanities. His fears proved accurate, and this course of action would become a major cause of problems.22 When interviewed by the Flat Hat in 1963 Blayton said, “I was expecting a cold reception, but everyone was warm and friendly …. Everyone accepted me without seeming to give it a second thought.”23 Blayton later recalled that he in fact had a cold welcome, certainly not overtly hostile, but distinctly distant. “Some were curious, some were welcoming, some were unimpressed ... for the most part they left me alone.”24 This divergence speaks perhaps to his optimism at the time, a common trait amongst black pioneers trying to make the best of their situation, though his later negativity could also be a product of the unfortunate turn his William & Mary experience took. According to Blayton’s account, none of the students ever acted particularly intolerant towards him, though locals heckled him occasionally. The studied indifference to his presence was overwhelming, save for two notable exceptions. The first was the Theater Department, and the second was Paschall.
President Paschall displayed perhaps the worst attitude of anyone on campus towards Blayton and epitomized the treatment that left Blayton feeling crushed and failed by a system meant to support students. Paschall had been superintendent of public schools in Virginia from 1957 to 1960.25 He was the man charged with implementing Massive Resistance, which he did with vigor. In a retrospective on Paschall’s dealing with race, Blayton wrote, “Dr. Paschall was viewed by Governor Stanley and the Richmond Times-Dispatch as not only a segregationist, but as a ‘No Integration At Any Price’ segregationist.”26 Due to these activities, he acquired a reputation as a staunch segregationist, both on and off campus. At the time, there were rumors that he would privately scold students who had “inappropriate” interactions with African Americans.27 Blayton never confronted Paschall directly, but he does remember that Paschall would make a point of looking away from Blayton if their paths crossed.28 While Paschall may have been the worst offender, Blayton felt unengaged by his classes, and his teachers did little to increase his involvement.
Blayton had also tried to get involved in football at William & Mary as a way to find friends. Another inspiration for his involvement was the controversy at the time over whether Southern schools would play against teams with black players. Blayton was determined to get his name on the roster for a game, if only to force the issues of integrated teams.29 Blayton played on the junior team, since at the time freshmen could not play on the primary team. He did not have the success he had hoped at garnering friends, but he did play in a game. He took the field against the Shipyard Apprentice School during the first game of the season. After that contest, he left the team, concluding that with his size and athletic ability he would get little playtime. Years later, his father told him about a call he had received from one of the football coaches. The coach had warned Dr. Blayton that some of the players were planning to injure Oscar during practice and suggested that Dr. Blayton remove his son from the team. Dr. Blayton knew his son was tough enough to handle it and so said nothing at the time. Oscar suspects that this was just a ploy to get him removed from the team; he never experienced anything that seemed like intentional overenthusiasm.30
The most pleasant on-campus experiences Blayton had were with the Theater Department and particularly his treatment by Howard Scammon, an associate professor of theater and speech. Scammon sought Blayton out during the first semester of his second year. Scammon had a problem. Blayton described their first meeting, “He said, ‘I want to do this play, but it has a part for a Negro. Do you play the piano?’. . . He talked me into auditioning and that’s how I got involved in the theater group.”31 The play was Saroyan’s “The Time of Your Life,” and Blayton successfully auditioned for the part of Wesley, who played the piano. The theater students were more accepting of Blayton than the majority of the student body, and he developed a circle of good friends.32 The theater experience was the highlight of an otherwise bleak experience.
There were some promising signs that William & Mary may have been ready for integration before Blayton’s arrival. The most prominent was a petition signed by eight hundred students in support of integration.33 Of course, while this represented a significant number of students, it was a minority nonetheless. This number of signatories confirms Blayton’s view that most of the campus was still quite conservative, with only a few very more liberal people. Eight hundred is still a significant number of students, and, based on Blayton’s account, it seemed few of these were willing to extend a helping hand for integration when they were in public and a black student was before them. Integration may have been acceptable when it just meant a name on a petition to many people. But when social capital was at risk, there were few gamblers to be found outside of the theater students, who Blayton identified as already being the campus “odd-balls.”
Blayton’s departure from campus was as low-key as his entrance. No one informed Blayton of his academic advisor’s existence until after he was on academic probation during his second year. Oscar met with his adviser only once, and the only advice he was given was the simple statement, “You have a lot of work to do.”34 Blayton credits this lack of support structure as a significant factor in his poor performance. The apathy of the administrators and faculty demonstrates the wide gulf between mere acceptance and a warm welcome. Ultimately, Blayton was unable to raise his grades and had to leave William & Mary, taking with him a mere twelve credit hours and a crushed spirit.
BLAYTON AFTER WILLIAM & MARY
Following his departure from William & Mary, Blayton’s draft status was changed. He was eligible for conscription, and the local draft board took due notice, giving him over to the United States Marine Corps. Following a typically harrowing experience at Marine Corps boot camp at Paris Island, South Carolina, Blayton gave superior performances on a series of standardized tests, making him eligible to attend Officer Candidate School (OCS). At OCS, Blayton continued to do well and received an assignment as a helicopter pilot. Pilot School at Pensacola, Florida proved integral for building Blayton’s confidence. During training he found out that, once he was in an environment where success was encouraged and facilitated through motivated instruction, he had no problem with the academic material. Much of the instruction was on topics similar to the pre-medical material that had so troubled him.35
Blayton shipped out to Vietnam after graduating from pilot school., While stationed in South-East Asia, Blayton used several collegiate level correspondence courses. Once he rotated out of Vietnam, he was stationed in Japan and began using the University of Maryland’s distance education program to continue working towards a degree. Following his discharge from the Corps, Blayton attended night classes at the University of Maryland’s College Park campus. By this time he was married and working but still finished his bachelor’s degree in journalism with excellent grades. Blayton was accepted into the law program at Yale. He had a wonderful time at Yale, where serious thinkers surrounded him, and this environment crystallized his interest in international human rights issues.36
Following graduation, Blayton intended to become involved in international law, but events conspired against him. Family issues called him back to Williamsburg. Blayton vowed to “hang his shingle” back in Virginia for only two years. However, he became involved with a Hampton busing case, which held him up. Then another case came to his attention, and another, and another.
WILLIAM & MARY AFTER BLAYTON
While Blayton was at William & Mary, President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law. The provisions of this piece of legislation laid the foundation for the next chapter of the William & Mary integration story through a clause banning federal funds from institutions that refused to integrate. The act banned segregation of all public educational institutions and laid the foundation for the involvement of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) in 1968. During the post-Blayton period, the faculty had urged the College to increase black enrollment, with limited success, enrolling just three new black students in 1967.37 The College of William & Mary: A History attributes this to a lack of qualified applicants, perhaps due to the Blayton experience.38 According to Blayton, there were several other black undergraduate attending during his second year. Their invisibility in the historical record may be due to part-time status.
The experiences of the three young women admitted in 1967 confirm that the treatment Blayton received was not anomalous. In words reminiscent of Blayton, Lynn Briley stated in a 1993 interview, “There was a sense of coldness, a sense of isolation. I think there might have been an attitude among the administration that we were there, but they weren’t going to make it easy for us.”39, The three young women were living together in a triple room in the basement of Jefferson Hall, having integrated on-campus housing, so they were able to provide each other with support through the difficulties they faced. Despite the harsh words they would later have for their experiences at William & Mary, the women, like Blayton, gave very up-beat interviews to the Flat Hat at the time40 to try to make the best of difficult circumstances. Together they persevered, becoming the first class at William & Mary (‘71) to graduate its entire black population.
In the fall of 1968, HEW inspectors came to William & Mary and found that efforts to comply with the spirit of the law were unsatisfactory, even though on the face of it the school had integrated with a bare handful of black students. This issue parallels the difference between integration in name only and an integration policy that fosters a multiracial community. Eloise Severinson, the HEW regional director, recommended a series of measures to encourage greater black enrollment and a more accepting campus environment.41 These measures included more aggressive recruiting at predominantly black high schools in Virginia, increasing financial aid to black students, ending discriminatory off-campus housing lists, and moving the College’s publications to include equal opportunity language. When the inspectors returned a year later, they once again deemed William & Mary’s efforts were unsatisfactory, and Severinson requested the suspension of the College’s one million dollars in federal aid. With a slide toward penury threatened the College moved to comply with the original recommendations, including the hiring of a black woman, Lillian Poe, onto the admissions staff.
Paschall, upon learning that Severinson was still not satisfied following a third round of inspections, sent her a letter insisting that the College had done enough to satisfy HEW’s expectations. Severinson interpreted this as a commitment to noncompliance and sent the letter to her superiors in Washington. At some point, the matter died at HEW headquarters, and William & Mary continued to receive its money uninterrupted.42 Severinson had a commitment to enforcement at William & Mary. This issue merits further investigation as no extant secondary source provides a clear explanation. The noncompliance with the original recommendations was not the only infraction in the eyes of Severinson. She also considered the proposed elevation of the predominantly Black Richard Bland College to a four-year institution unacceptable because this move reinforced a “whites only” image for William & Mary. The courts blocked the expansion of Richard Bland College, resolving the issue cleanly.43
The construction of this narrative, is dependent not only on magnifying extant positive traits, but also selective forgetting. The modern story of race at William & Mary has often slipped into the dustbin of institutional history. Outside of Hulon Willis, none of the early African American students looks back at their time there with fondness. The College moved to integrate for practical reasons, charting a careful public course and an even more cautious private path through the cognitive dissonance of repudiating both the Klan and integration. The motivators behind integration were practical measures to avoid funding complications or a tarnished reputation. Three hundred years of tradition and responsibility can sometimes be a double-edged sword, though some like Paschall never saw it in those terms.
Despite the difficulties it faced in the 1960s, by the 1970s, the College was making notable progress. Today, it has become quite progressive by the standards of larger society. 7.2% of the student body is African American (20.5% of the Virginia population is African American), Recently,William & Mary elected a transgender homecoming queen, Jessee Vasold, in 2009. Image and history remain as important as they have ever been, but as society moved, so did William & Mary. Today, while the College has not attained diversity statistics commensurate with the larger population, administration policy is no longer an impediment to further integration. The College has made some efforts to come to grips with the role of race in its history through the Lemon Project, named for a slave owned by the College during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. These efforts currently focus on the early history of race at William & Mary, and further developments will show to what extent the College is willing to come to terms with the realities of the civil rights movement.
1 Susan H. Godson, The College of William & Mary: A History (Williamsburg, VA: King and Queen Press, 1993), 829.
2 Tom Silver and John Craig, “The Day the Klan Came to William & Mary,” Alumni Gazette (Summer 1984): 18.
3 Richard B. Sherman, The College of William & Mary: A History (Williamsburg, VA: King and Queen Press, 1993), 612.
4 Ibid, 613.
5 Ibid, 767
6 Kerry S. Ambrose, “Oscar Blayton: The First Black Undergraduate at the College of William & Mary” (1990), 4.
7 Ibid, 767
8 Peter Wallenstein, “King Color Goes to College,” Diversity News (Spring 1999): 5.
9 “Love At First Sight: William & Mary’s First Black Student Recalls College Fondly,” Alumni Gazette (September 1985): 7.
10 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview from Williamsburg, Virginia (November 11, 2010).
13 “660 Students Accepted by W&M For Fall Term,” Daily Press (May 8, 1963): 23.
14 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
15 Wallace Quotes. [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/wallace/sfeature/quotes.html](http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/wallace/sfeature/quotes.html).
16 George C. Wallace, “Statement and Proclamation of Governor George C. Wallace, University of Alabama, June 11, 1963,” Alabama Department of Archives and History, [http://www.archives.state.al.us/govs_list/schooldoor.html](http://www.archives.state.al.us/govs_list/schooldoor.html).
17 John F Kennedy, “The American Promise to African Americans,” Washington, DC: Congressional Record, 88th Congress, 1st Session, [http://www.britannica.com/presidents/article-9116924](http://www.britannica.com/presidents/article-9116924).
18 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
20 Robert Hunt, telephone interview from Chesapeake, Virginia (January 6, 201).
21 “‘No Apprehensions’ Felt By Negro Undergraduate,” The Virginia Gazette (May 8, 1964): 3A.
22 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
23 “‘No Apprehensions’ Felt By Negro Undergraduate,” The Virginia Gazette (May 8, 1964): 3A.
24 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
25 Godson, The College of William & Mary: A History, 807.
26 Oscar Blayton, “A Different Perspective,” The Virginia Gazette (November 3, 2001): 13A.
27 Ambrose, “Oscar Blayton: The First Black Undergraduate,” 11.
28 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
33 “800 Students Sign Poll,” Flat Hat (May 10, 1963): 1.
34 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
35 Oscar Blayton, telephone interview.
37 Godson, The College of William & Mary: A History, 829; Christopher Miller, “When Everything was Black and White,” Jump! (Winter 1993): 10.
38 Godson, The College of William & Mary: A History, 829.
39 Christopher Miller, “When Everything was Black and White,” Jump! (Winter 1993): 11.
40 Nadia Tongour,“‘Other Half’ Lives No Differently Finds First Negro Coeds in Dorms,” Flat Hat (October 20, 1967): 16.
41 Godson, The College of William & Mary: A History, 829.
42 Ibid, 830.
43 Ibid, 830.
“660 Students Accepted by W&M For Fall Term.” Daily Press, May 8, 1963, 23.
“800 Students Sign Poll.” Flat Hat, May 10, 1963, 1.
Baker, Ray. “Winston, Two Others Sign W&M Grants.” Richmond News Leader, November 23, 1967.
Blayton, Oscar H. “A Different Perspective.” The Virginia Gazette, November 3, 2001, 13A.
Blayton, Oscar. Telephone Interview by author Williamsburg, VA, November 11, 2010.
College of William & Mary. A Self-Study of the College of William & Mary in Virginia. Williamsburg, VA: The College, 1963.
“Love at First Sight: William & Mary’s First Black Student Recalls College Fondly.” Alumni Gazette, September 1985, 7.
Hunt, Robert. Telephone Interview by author. Chesapeake to Williamsburg, VA, January 6, 2011.
Kennedy, John F. “The American Promise to African Americans.” Washington, DC: Congressional Record, 88th Congress, 1st Session. [http://www.britannica.com/presidents/article-9116924](http://www.britannica.com/presidents/article-9116924).
Kaemmerle, Mailyn. “Lincoln’s Job Half Done.” Flat Hat, February 7, 1945, 8.
“‘No Apprehensions’ Felt By Negro Undergraduate.” The Virginia Gazette, May 8, 1964, 3A.
“On Integration,” Flat Hat, May 10, 1963, 4.
Paschall, Davis Young and the Office of the President. Davis Young Paschall Collection, 1960-1971. Williamsburg: The College of William & Mary, 1960-1974.
“Private Drama for Blayton Unfolds with Little Fanfare,” Flat Hat, October 30, 1964, 6.
Silver, Tom and John Craig. “The Day the Klan Came to William & Mary.” Alumni Gazette, Summer 1984, 16-20.
Tongour, Nadia. “‘Other Half’ Lives No Differently Finds First Negro Coeds in Dorms.” Flat Hat, October 20, 1967, 16.
“W&M Signs First Negro For Football.” Daily Press, November 23, 1967.
Wallace, George C. “Statement and Proclamation of Governor George C. Wallace, University of Alabama, June 11, 1963.” Alabama Department of Archives and History. [http://www.archives.state.al.us/govs_list/schooldoor.html](http://www.archives.state.al.us/govs_list/schooldoor.html).
Ambrose, Kerry S. “Oscar Blayton: The First Black Undergraduate at the College of William & Mary.” Williamsburg, VA, 1990.
College of William & Mary. A Paschall Portrait: Dr. Davis Y. Paschall, President of the College of William & Mary, 1960-1971. Williamsburg, VA: College of William & Mary, 1993.
College of William & Mary. Vital Facts: A Chronology of the College of William & Mary. Williamsburg, VA: The College, 1993.
Godson, Susan H., and Richard B. Sherman. The College of William & Mary: A History. Williamsburg, VA: King and Queen Press, Society of the Alumni, College of William & Mary in Virginia, 1993.
Kale, Wilford. Hark Upon The Gale: An Illustrated History of the College of William & Mary. Norfolk, VA: Donning Co, 1985.
McCandless, Amy Thompson. The Past in the Present: Women’s Higher Education in the Twentieth- Century American South. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
Miller, Christopher. “When Everything was Black and White.” Jump!, Winter 1993, 10-13.
Myers, Samuel L, ed. Desegregation in Higher Education. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989.
Pilgrim, David. Deception By Stratagem: Segregation in Public Higher Education. Bristol: Wyndham Hall Press, 1985.
Wallenstein, Peter, ed. Higher Education and the Civil Rights Movement: White Supremacy, Black Southerners, and College Campuses. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2008.
Wallenstein, Peter. “King Color Goes to College – The Waning Years: Desegregating Public Higher Education in Virginia 1950-1972.” Diversity News, Spring 1999, 5-7.
Andrew, a native of Chesapeake, Virginia will be graduating in May of 2012 with degrees in History and Economics. He will be spending his final semester abroad at Bogaziçi University, in Istanbul, Turkey, studying Turkish culture, history, and language. Andrew plans to attend graduate school in political science or international relations to prepare for a career in the public sector. He hopes to one day earn a Ph.D. He would like to extend special thanks to Dr. Peter Wallenstein, History, for his tireless support of this project and to Mr. Oscar Blayton for his generous donation of time.