INTRODUCTION

In the late nineteenth century, the vast majority of the African continent was carved up by major European powers for the purposes of colonization, imperialism, and/or annexation. This brief historical period would commonly become known as the “Scramble for Africa.” Ethiopia had successfully resisted Italian colonial forces in the Battle of Adwa on March 1, 1886, and retained its independent status as a national monarchy. Despite Ethiopia’s success in retaining its own sovereignty, the nation would still hold relevance to the greater African decolonization movement that began to gain momentum following World War II. Specifically, Emperor Haile Selassie I increased Ethiopia’s direct involvement with the African decolonization movement of the 20th century. Selassie ruled as Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930-1974, which is a time period that encompasses the majority of African decolonization movements.1 Although Selassie came to power determined to accomplish the arduous task of transforming his native Ethiopia into a country worthy of international recognition, his actions and rhetoric demonstrate that Selassie also held the broader cause of the Pan-African movement as a priority on his political agenda.

There has been a significant amount of research done on Haile Selassie and how his reign shaped his nation throughout the 20th century within the context of Ethiopia. Although some parts of these research endeavors have touched briefly on Selassie in the context of African decolonization, there remains a distinct lack of historical research focused specifically on the role of this seminal African figure and his nation within the broader framework of the continent. Selassie was an outspoken proponent of the Pan-African movement, and, as the leader of one of two sovereign nations within Africa at that time, he emerged as a leader for the entire continent during this era. This augmented the relevance and importance of his speech and actions to a scale greater than that of the boundaries within his political jurisdiction. As he earned international recognition for Ethiopia, so did he for all of Africa. Selassie gained respect and developed a rapport with world leaders within Africa and outside of it. He utilized this reverence in order to “carry the banner” for Africa throughout his tenure as Emperor, as he simultaneously worked for the progress of Ethiopia and all of Africa. The available resources regarding Selassie and the history of Ethiopia during this time do not properly acknowledge the priority he placed on the liberation of other African nations and progress of the entire continent of Africa. His contributions to the Pan-African movement were particularly pertinent at the time, and in some ways, still endure today.

The speeches of Haile Selassie, as well as records of his international relations on behalf of Ethiopia with various countries around the globe make clear that Selassie’s political agenda was conducted with the goal of progress for Africa and the Pan-African movement as priorities.2 Some works have discussed the relevance that Ethiopia held to other African nations because of its conspicuous status as a sovereign African state, and relative historical importance to the continent, but neglected to acknowledge the progress Selassie made for Africa as Emperor of Ethiopia.3 Even more recently, scholars have begun to conduct historical research on Selassie’s involvement in international affairs as Emperor of Ethiopia and as a leader for the continent of Africa.4 However, there remains the lack of a definitive work of scholarly research that aims to specifically demonstrate how Selassie was relevant to African decolonization on every front—within Africa, throughout the globe, and as an active proponent of the Pan-African movement. Selassie’s speeches, actions, and written rhetoric make clear that Ethiopia under his leadership aimed to promote progress of the entire African continent by supporting the independence movements of colonized Africans and the support of continental unity via the Pan-African movement. As a seminal figure in the history of Africa during its era of decolonization, Selassie’s contributions in this context demand a consolidated and focused research effort all their own. This broader, continental perspective on Selassie’s Ethiopia warrants historical analysis now more than ever, as the repercussions of his reign concern what many consider to be a continent that will play an increasingly important role in world affairs in the future.

PAN-AFRICANISM BEFORE SELASSIE

Although European powers were able to retain their African colonies for extended periods of time, the “scramble for Africa” would ultimately set the stage for the 20th century as the era of African decolonization. Some African nations would emerge as sovereign states as early as the 1920’s or 1930’s, while most of the newly formed African states would not be born until well after the end of World War II in 1945.5 Throughout the period of African decolonization, leaders would emerge from all corners of the continent; some of these leaders were concerned with gaining independence for their people, others were concerned with the internal development of their newly independent nation, a few were concerned with the progress of their nation and Africans on the international level, and some of them campaigned actively for multiple causes.6 In the midst of various independence movements and efforts to develop individual nations on the African continent, there emerged a movement to unite all Africans; this movement would become known in the 20th century as “Pan-Africanism.” This term had existed prior to the various movements for national independence in Africa;,one that defined the movement to refute the charge of Africans’ unchangeable racial inequality. Pan- Africanism in the 20th century became redefined as the movement to unite all Africans, and was championed by various African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Gamal Abd El Nasser (Egypt), and Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia.7

Much historical research has been done on many of these leaders in the context of their respective nationalist movements, and in many cases in the context of their relevance to the Pan-African movement. For example, works such as “Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa’s Global Destiny” discuss at length the Ghana leader’s contribution to his nation of Ghana, as well as his contributions to Africa.8 Haile Selassie is one of these African leaders whom many scholars have written on in the context of his relevance to the development of his native Ethiopia. For example, Peter Schwab has focused primarily on what Emperor Selassie did throughout his tenure for Ethiopia.9 Schwab is not the only one to take this approach to Selassie, as authors such as Christopher Clapham and Harold Marcus have also written scholarly works focused on the Selassie administration’s contributions to his nation’s progress.10 This is not to say that these scholars do not have segments of their research discussing Selassie’s relevance to the greater African decolonization movement, and some times, even more specifically devoted to his contribution towards the Pan-African movement. Indeed, Schwab has a small chapter titled “African Unity” in his book. There are very few, if any, historical research works that describe Selassie as a leader focused strictly on the progress of Ethiopia and only Ethiopia. Works such as those aforementioned discuss Selassie’s contributions to the Pan-African movement within the context of the national development of Ethiopia; however, these contributions were legitimate, effectual, and enduring enough outside of Ethiopia to warrant a focused examination that is not directly tied into the development of Ethiopia.

Ethiopia is the oldest sovereign state on the continent of Africa. This long-standing independence holds profound importance in the era of focus for this paper– the era of African decolonization, when native peoples all over the African continent sought to throw off the fetters of imperialist European metropolitan powers and attain independence, a status that Ethiopia already held and had held for thousands of years at that point in its history.11 By the end of the 19th century, after the European powers had carved up the great majority of the African continent for imperialist purposes, Ethiopia and Liberia remained the only two independent African nations.12 Italy attempted to conquer the kingdom of Ethiopia in order to join its two African colonies of Eritrea and Somalia. However, Ethiopian forces defeated the Italians in the battle of Adwa, which took place in March of 1896. The fact that Ethiopia was successful in actively resisting colonization by a European nation, when no other African countries were able to do so, cemented Ethiopia’s reputation as a leader among African peoples and their respective nations.

“Ethiopia” has long held a unique and powerful symbolic significance in the context of world history. A phrase from the Bible, “Ethiopia shall haste to stretch out her hands unto God,” provides an early example of a phrase that would establish Ethiopia as a land to be revered, a land that would lead others.13 In this instance and throughout ancient times, “Ethiopia” referred to the entire continent of Africa. This phrase in the Bible serves as evidence of the symbolic value “Ethiopia” held within Africa and the world, even though “Ethiopia” did not necessarily refer to the state that goes by this name today. The connotation of the values attributed by this biblical phrasing, transposed onto the territory in the horn of Africa would eventually become known as “the Ethiopian Empire,” and later abridged simply to “Ethiopia.” It is important to note that despite the fact that “Ethiopia” evolved geopolitically over time, much of the symbolism associated with this term carried over to these newly founded state structures that emerged throughout history. For the purposes of this paper, unless otherwise noted, “Ethiopia” will refer to the state that existed in some form on the horn of Africa by this name from the 4th century through the present day.14 Although these symbolic connotations associated with “Ethiopia” do not hold the same tangible contributions to Ethiopia’s reputation as a leading nation among Africans as Ethiopia’s successful resistance against European colonization, they were still utilized by Pan- African leaders such as Marcus Garvey and Nkrumah in order to establish Ethiopia’s role as a continental leader. Garvey was one of the first men to spearhead the Pan- African movement of the 20th century, which focused on the improvement of all Africans and unity among them. Garvey launched the Universal Negro Improvement Association in 1914, already making strides in the Pan- African movement well before the contributions made by leaders such as Selassie were felt.15 Garvey’s initiative to promote the ideologies that would become a part of this movement intertwined with his own acknowledgement of the significance of “Ethiopia,” which poised Selassie’s Ethiopia to be a widely understood symbol of the Pan- African movement.16 This deference for Ethiopia’s historical symbolism of African power predisposed Haile Selassie as a leading figure for all Africans.

SELASSIAN PAN-AFRICANISM

Haile Selassie crowned as Emperor of Ethiopia on November 2, 1930, however, by this time he had already been actively involved in capitalizing on Ethiopia’s unique status as an independent African nation in order to gain international recognition for Ethiopia. Even before he was crowned as “Haile Selassie,” the young Prince Ras Tafari would take the initiative to establish harmonious diplomatic relationships with other world leaders. In addition to Ethiopia’s unusual sovereign status, the nation was also largely isolated for much of its history. Selassie challenged this notion of isolationism for Ethiopia. Between the years of 1917 and 1928, Selassie traveled to such cities as Rome, Paris, and London. In 1923, the young prince continued his efforts to establish Ethiopia as a player on the international stage by leading the nation into membership within the League of Nations.17 Selassie recognized that in order to enable his nation to rise to the challenges of the 20th century, it would be critical to establish it as a respected entity within the international community. His tireless efforts in the field of international diplomacy served as a statement to the world of Selassie’s intentions for progress for the underdeveloped nation in the horn of Africa. Selassie’s recognition and subsequent capitalization on the opportunities presented for Ethiopia as a result of its independence and storied history poised Ethiopia and its soon-to-be Emperor to “carry the banner” for the entire continent of Africa during the period of African decolonization that was to come.

Decolonization banner

Courtesy of Thomas Norelli

In June of 1936, His Imperial Majesty made a rousing and memorable appeal to the League of Nations in which he beseeched the League to remain true to Article 16 of its Covenant pertaining to collective security. His appeal was focused towards gaining aid for Ethiopia in the wake of the Italian invasion led by Benito Mussolini. However, Selassie also widened the scope of his appeal to defend the upholding of treaties for all small states. He stated, “It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured.”18 In this way, Selassie was defending the legitimacy of future treatises and promises to all of Africa, a continent made up entirely of “small states.” As will be evidenced in the following, Selassie would remain committed to the value of collective security in the future.

Upon returning as Emperor of Ethiopia after five years of exile during World War II, Selassie’s political agenda remained focused on the progress of Ethiopia, but it also held the decolonization of greater Africa as a priority. Specifically, Selassie conducted his administration with one eye on the Pan-African movement, aiming for greater African unity and rising against European imperialist powers. After Ethiopia’s occupation by Italy in World War II, Selassie experienced firsthand a situation in which his small nation could not defend itself. Thus, his espousal of the protection offered to all by the collective security of African unity was further established through his own experience. The Emperor was instrumental as a leader within the Pan- African movement due to the fact that he had attained legitimate political power and respect at a relatively early time in the history of Pan-Africanism, which he could utilize to further the goals of the movement. It was at this time, after World War II, that the era of African decolonization truly took off due to the efforts of such influential leaders. Selassie committed Ethiopia to being a key figure in the movement from the very beginning. At the Accra Conference on April 15, 1958, Selassie asserted himself as a leader for Africa when he stated “…the free nations of Africa are giving tangible evidence of their determination to work together not only for their own good but for the good of Africa and the entire world.”19 On December 29, 1958, with the inauguration of the Economic Commission for Africa, Selassie promoted unity within Africa on an economic scale as well as increased Ethiopian involvement in the movement by hosting the conference in the nation’s capital, Addis Ababa. At the conference, Selassie ambitiously declared, “Our task…is to improve the economic lot of all African peoples.”20 At the second conference for the Economic Commission of Africa on June 15, 1960, Selassie continued, “It is our conviction… that the political growth of the African peoples will not reach its culmination until the ultimate goal, which is independence and complete freedom for every African people.”21 It was at this conference that he also urged the creation of an African development bank. Selassie’s speeches at these conferences were focused towards economic and political unity and among African nations in order to achieve progress within these realms for every nation on the continent. Inherent in this progress and promotion of unification were the ideals of both the African decolonization movement and the Pan-African movement.

Pan-African flag

Courtesy of Thomas Norelli

The speeches of world leaders certainly hold great historical significance, however, it is the actions that transpire concurrently with these speeches that truly dictate the course of history. Selassie’s word that Ethiopia was committed to African decolonization, the Pan- African movement, and the virtue of collective security (despite the League of Nations’ failure to commit to this value when Ethiopia was in need) did not go without accordant action. In 1960, during the crisis in the Congo, Ethiopia responded to the United Nations call for assistance. In November of 1960, four Ethiopian battalions were serving under the UN banner in the Congo, and Ethiopian technicians and other experts were working within UN administration within the war-torn country.22 In May of 1963, Haile Selassie met with the heads of 29 other African states in Addis Ababa. This was the biggest gathering of African heads of state ever held. The conference began with Haile Selassie being elected honorary President of the Conference and ended with the signing of one of the most important pieces of legislation in all of the Pan-African movement: the signing of the charter for the Organization of African Unity (OAU).23Selassie resolutely announced, “This conference cannot close without adopting a single African Charter,” and followed suit with resultant signing of the charter.24 Selassie further dedicated his nation to the undertaking of this cause from a financial standpoint through Ethiopia’s defraying of costs of the building and staff for the provisional OAU for the first two years.25 Selassie’s election by other African leaders as honorary President of this conference is evidence of the recognition he garnered from his African peers as one of the foremost leaders in the Pan-African movement. The impressive turnout at these conferences and signing of the OAU charter is evidence of the tangible unity Selassie created among African nations. His willingness to make financial sacrifices for that movement on behalf of his country is further confirmation of the priority to which he held this movement.

Due to the recognition Selassie had garnered for himself and Ethiopia on the international stage, in conjunction with the establishment of himself and his country as a proponent of African decolonization and a foremost leader of the Pan-African movement, he effectively communicated and supported these ideals around the globe. Selassie was not afraid to attack this issue in the most direct manner possible- by writing letters to heads of state of the colonial powers that were and beseeching for their granting of independence to the African colonies under their jurisdiction. For example, in a letter dated June 17, 1963, Selassie wrote to the Prime Minister of Portugal, Dr. Oliveira Salazar, saying, “We cannot acquiesce in the fact that other fellow Africans should remain oppressed in exchange for the freedom we enjoy. We believe that they too are fully entitled to enjoy freedom.”26 Once again, Selassie backed up his rhetoric with potential action when he threatened, “…if the Portuguese Government does not respond favourably to this request all the African Independent Countries should break their diplomatic relations and discontinue all trade transaction with Portugal.”27 Selassie would continue to promote the cause of African decolonization on the international stage as the Ethiopian representative to the UN. On June 27, 1965, he implored the U.N. to unify in order to threaten economic sanctions to Portugal and South Africa.28 Although South Africa was a free state, apartheid was still viewed as a manifestation of colonialism, in that the White settlers there severely limited the freedom of the native African population. Haile Selassie was well recognized in the United States for his efforts to promote African decolonization. President John F. Kennedy said of him, “perhaps the most celebrated of all, is his leadership in Africa.” He went on to reflect on the progress that had been made in the Emperor’s cause by pointing out that since his last visit to the United States in 1954, the world had seen “one of the most extraordinary revolutions in history.” He was referring to the appearance of 29 independent countries. On October 1, 1963, President Kennedy and Emperor Selassie met in Washington, D.C. and discussed such issues as Portuguese colonialism in Africa, apartheid in South Africa, the civil war in Yemen, and the Cold War. Perhaps as a symbolic gesture of his independence from colonial entities, the Emperor spoke in his native Amharic throughout these talks, despite the fact that he could speak fluent English.29 Selassie would continue to promote Ethiopian-American relations throughout his reign, and he was the only African leader to spare the considerable expense it took to fly to Washington, DC to attend President Kennedy’s funeral. His sixth and final state visit took place on May 15, 1973, when at the age of 80 he met at the White House with President Nixon. Selassie made more state visits to the United States than any other foreign head of state in the 20th century.30 It was clear that he was able to command the attention of the world, and he used that attention to further the cause of African decolonization and the Pan-African movement. Selassie’s legacy, although complicated in Ethiopian history as a result of the emperor’s deposition in 1974 and subsequent installation of a communist government, endured in many ways through the work of other subscribers to the Pan-African movement. One way that this occurred was through the establishment of the Rastafari religious movement. This movement has its roots in the ideals inherent within both the African decolonization and Pan African movements; among these are the independence of Africans from European powers and the unification of the continent of Africa. The movement “draws strength and sustenance from the myth of a golden age in the past; in this case, a united continent called ‘Ethiopia’ untouched by European colonizers.” It also furthers Selassie’s reputation as champion of these movements through the worship of him as God Incarnate. By the late 1970’s, the rasta movement had spread to England, Holland, France, Australia, New Zealand, Jamaica, Canada, the United States, and various corners of Africa; with this growth in the rasta movement, Selassie’s reputation as an African leader became globally popularized.31 Perhaps most enduring of all the vehicles for perpetuation of Selassie’s legacy as an African icon was the music of Bob Marley, wherein Selassie is frequently referenced. Marley’s song “War” contains lyrics that are nearly quoted verbatim from a speech Selassie made to the United Nations General Assembly on October 6, 1963.32 The speech (and invariably, the song) emphasizes various overarching goals of the African decolonization and Pan- African movements, such as African Unity, freedom, and human equality. Marley’s music remains popular today, and serves as a symbol of the Rastafari movement and thus, also as a symbol of Selassie, Pan-Africa, and African decolonization.

CONCLUSION

Emperor Haile Selassie utilized the formal and informal power that came with his position as head of state of Ethiopia in various ways to promote African decolonization and the Pan-African movement. His message was clear: Africans will be better able to progress their respective nations and status in the 20th century through independence from imperial powers, increased unity with each other, and skillful diplomacy within and outside of Africa. Selassie’s speeches, written word, and actions are all resolutely and consistently in line with these goals. If Haile Selassie had not made the great contributions that he did to these movements, parts of the African continent could very well still be under European colonial jurisdiction today. His extraordinarily long reign from 1930 to 1974 granted him unprecedented time to work towards these goals through the indoctrination of others in their purpose and implementation of direct action on behalf of Ethiopia to strategically move towards targeted results that reflect the ethos inherent in these movements. He sacrificed the resources of his Ethiopia for the good of greater Africa in several instances, thus exemplifying the great importance that the Emperor placed on the progress of the entire continent. Although he was only Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie I carried more than just his country throughout his reign; he carried the continent of Africa, a continent that had been unjustly subjugated to colonial rule, and brought about progress, revolution, and unity for its people. The repercussions of Selassie’s Pan-African agenda continue to endure today, and only time will tell what their ultimate impact eventually becomes.

NOTES

1 Dietmar Rothermund, The Routledge Companion to Decolonization (New York: Routledge, 2006), 127-193.
2 Haile Selassie and Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, Diplomatic Relations between Portugal and Ethiopia: texts of the letters exchanged between Emperor Hail’e Selassi’e and the Prime Minister of Portugal, Doctor Oliveira Salazar (Lisbon: S.N.I., 1963); I. Daniel,Visit Souvenir: A Publication in memory of the Visit of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, to the Ancient Chappad Orthodox Syrian Church, on 31st October 1956 (Washington, DC: S.I., 1956); Haile Selassie, Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967).
3 SKB Asante Pan-African Protest: West Africa and the Italo- Ethiopian Crisis, 1934-1941 (London: Longman Group Ltd, 1977).
4 SKB Asante, Pan-African Protest: West Africa and the Italo- Ethiopian Crisis, 1934-1941 (London: Longman Group Ltd, 1977).
5 Egypt would gain independence in 1922, while South Africa would do so in 1931.
6 Kwame Nkrumah, first President of Ghana, promoted progress within his nation in numerous capacities as well as helped to promote inter-African unity through his part through his work in the founding of the Organization of African Unity; Jomo Kenyatta, first President of Kenya, focused much of his efforts towards the progress of Kenya, with especially high focus on economic progress; Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia worked in numerous capacities for the betterment of Ethioia, Africa, and the status of Africans on an international level.
7 Imanuel Geiss, “Pan Africanism”, Journal of Contemporary History , 4, no. 1 (1969): 187-200.
8 Charles Quist-Adade, “Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa’s Global Destiny”, Journal of Pan African Studies, 1, no. 9 (2007).
9 Peter Schwab, Ethiopia & Haile Selassie (New York: Facts on File Inc., 1972).
10 Christopher Clapham, Haile Selassie’s Government (New York: Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, 1969); Harold G. Marcus, Haile Selassie I (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
11 The geopolitical territory that encompassed the nation of Ethiopia in the 20th century had been through many political and territorial changes in the thousands of years prior, however the modern nation’s connection to the previous independent empires that ruled in this area stretches as far back as the 10th century BC, when the Queen of Sheba and King Solomon ruled over this territory; Haile Selassie was a direct descendant of this royal family.
12 Although Liberia was an independent nation, it was not a nation erected by native African people, but essentially colonized by the American Colonization Society with African Americans. Ethiopia was the only truly independent African nation set up by indigenous Africans, and governed by these indigenous Africans throughout its history.
13 SKB Asante, Pan-African Protest: West Africa and the Italo- Ethiopian Crisis, 1934-1941 (London: Longman Group Ltd, 1977), 10.
14 Stuart Munro-Hay, Aksum, An African Civilization of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh: University Press, 1991), 57.
15 The Universal Negro Improvement Association would eventually be expanded to become the “Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League” (UNIA-ACL)
16 Garvey A. Jaques, “Garvey and Garveyism,” Carribean Studies, 5, no. 2 (1965): 74-75.
17 James Haskins, African heroes (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005), 77.
18 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 313-314.
19 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 191.
20 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 196.
21 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 200.
22 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 209.
23 Schwab, 100.
24 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 241.
25 Schwab, 101.
26 In this excerpt from a letter to the Portuguese Prime Minister, Dr. Oliveira Salazar, Selassie is referring specifically to the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique
27 Haile Selassie and Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, Diplomatic Relations between Portugal and Ethiopia: texts of the letters exchanged between Emperor Hail’e Selassi’e and the Prime Minister of Portugal, Doctor Oliveira Salazar (Lisbon: S.N.I., 1963), 4.
28 Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918-1967 (Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967), 375.
29 Theodore M. Vestal, The Lion of Judah in the New World: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the Shaping of Americans’ Attitudes toward Africa (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011), 112-124.
30 Theodore M. Vestal, 102-104.
31 E.E. Cashmore, The Rastafarians: Minority Rights Group Report No. 64 (London: Expedite Graphic Limited, 1984), 1-11.
32 Bob Marley, Rastaman Vibration, “War”, Tuff Gong Records, CD, 1976.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Cashmore, E.E. The Rastafarians: Minority Rights Group Report No. 64. London: Expedite Graphic Limited, 1984.

Daniel, I. Visit Souvenir: A Publication in memory of the Visit of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, to the Ancient Chappad Orthodox Syrian Church, on 31st October 1956. Washington, DC: S.I., 1956; Selassie, Haile. 1967. Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty, 1918- 1967. Addis Ababa: Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, Publications & Foreign Languages Press Department, 1967.

Marley, Bob. Rastaman Vibration, “War”, Tuff Gong Records, CD, 1976.

Selassie, Haile and Antonio de Oliveira Salazar. Diplomatic Relations between Portugal and Ethiopia: texts of the letters exchanged between Emperor Hail’e Selassi’e and the Prime Minister of Portugal, Doctor Oliveira Salazar. Lisbon: S.N.I., 1963

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Geiss, Imanuel. “Pan Africanism.” Journal of Contemporary History . 4. no. 1 (1969): 187-200.

Haskins, James. African heroes. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005.

Jaques, Garvey A. “Garvey and Garveyism.” Carribean Studies. 5. no. 2 (1965): 74-75.

Marcus, Harold G. Haile Selassie I. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987.

Munro-Hay, Stuart. Aksum, An African Civilization of Late Antiquity. Edinburgh: University Press, 1991.

Quist-Adade, Charles. “Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana, and Africa’s Global Destiny,” Journal of Pan African Studies. 1. no. 9 (2007).

Rothermund, Dietmar. The Routledge Companion to Decolonization. New York: Routledge, 2006.

Schwab, Peter. Ethiopia & Haile Selassie. New York: Facts on File Inc., 1972

Vestal, Theodore M. The Lion of Judah in the New World: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the Shaping of Americans’ Attitudes toward Africa. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011.


Photo of Thomas Norelli

Thomas Norelli majored in history and graduated in May 2012. He would like thank Dr. Matthew Heaton of the history department for his guidance and support.